Tuesday 30 June 2009

Chief Imam of Terengganu Says "Floating Prayer Mat" Phenomenon in Crystal Mosque is a Miracle and a Sign From Allah

Read here for more in The Star



The Star reported:

The TERENGGANU CHIEF IMAM, Ustaz Azizi Saidi Abdul Aziz claims that a visitor had seen and photographed prayer mats floating in the mosque . He said such claims are “hardly phenomenal” and people should stop thinking that it was due to genies or ghosts.

A woman from Negri Sembilan who visited the mosque had photographed the phenomenon with a mobile phone camera early this month, triggering fear among locals.

He said,
“The occurrence should be seen as a miracle that could be considered a sign from the Al-Mighty.

There is nothing to panic. This is a call to Muslims not to overlook their obligation towards performing prayers together.

Such mystifying occurrences have been reported in SAUDI ARABIA .


Painting of an Arabian Flying Carpet

The phenomenon could be linked to the lackadaisical attitude of Muslims in the state in performing congregational prayers. There are umpteen mosques in Terengganu but there is a lack of mosque-goers.

Some of our mosques lack people even during Friday prayers."

- Ustaz Azizi Saidi Abdul Aziz,Chief Imam of Terengganu

COMMENTARY

Read here article by Syed Akbar Ali in " Outsyed the Box " Blog

I wonder if people started to climb aboard these flying rugs, will it put Air Asia out of business? Can we get really cheap flights to say Australia or Sipadan.

This is a foolish and childish thing to say or to believe in.

I am quite surprised that the Chief Imam of Terengganu would even entertain such superstitions and idle talk.

It just goes to show the level of thinking or the thinking that is far from level, which can be exhibited even by someone as grandiose as a Chief Imam.

What next? Flying horses? Hi Yo Silver And away we go.
-Syed Akbar Ali


Rais Yatim Warns Malaysians, "WE ARE BEING COLONISED !!"


RAIS YATIM,
Information, Communication and Culture Minister


Rais Yatim was born on 15 April 1942.
That makes him
67 years old.
Read here for more in Malaysian Insider

Rais Yatim, Minister for Information, Communication and Culture said in a speech in Kuala Lumpur at the launch of the high speed broadband (HSBB) fibre optic cable project:

“WE (Malaysians) are being COLONISED!

The outside world presents content to us.

We should create our own identity with local content.


We don’t want to be followers when building society."

Monday 29 June 2009

Perak Crisis: UMNO-Appointed MB Zambry Abdul Kader BROKE His Promise to the Perakians

Read here for more on malaysiakini


Zambry Abdul Kadir

UMNO-appointed Menteri Besar Zambry Abdul Kadir had said UMNO/Barisan Nasional would continue the people-friendly policies implemented during Pakatan Rakyat ’s 10-month rule .

He had promised continuity of Pakatan Rakyat's people-friendly policies when he was appointed as MB by the Perak Sultan in February 2009 in the midst of the Perak's constitutional crisis caused primarily by the Perak Sultan who controversially sacked the Pakatan Rakyat's constitutionally-appointed MB Nizar Jamaluddin.


However, this turned out to be a BROKEN promise as about nine people-friendly policies have either been scrapped or put on the back-burner.

  1. The open-tender policy for approving government contracts, land and logging concessions reverted to the old system of CLOSED tenders.

  2. The giving state land to Religious Schools and Chinese independent schools also scrapped.

  3. The policy of giving RM1,000 to the dependents of senior citizens who die too has been buried.

  4. The proposal to change the octagon Yak Tack Seng market along Jalan Osbone into a tourist centre scrapped.

  5. The uniform one-coupon parking system for vehicles, and at a discounted rate from April, for the whole state did not see daylight.

  6. The proposed RM38 million new bus terminal at Meru Raya in Jelapang grounded.

  7. 3,000 applications from residents of new and planned villages to convert their land titles from leasehold to freehold canceled.

  8. 817 elected village headmen had their term of office terminated. The village chiefs have since filed a suit in the Ipoh High Court to be reinstated.

  9. The process of legalising the 134 new villages put on hold.
RELATED ARTICLE

ZAMBRY PERLU BERSEKOLAH SEMULA

by

WFauzdin NS

Read here for more

APALAH malang nasib orang Perak. Sudah ada MB yang dipilih oleh majoriti rakyat Perak dirampas pula secara tidak demokratik. Jika yang menggantikan MB yang dirampas itu lebih cerdik sedikit tidaklah rugi sangat rasanya, tetapi yang dilantik pula teramatlah rendah akal dan fikirannya. MB Perak yang mahkamah pilih ini langsung tidak faham apa itu kiasan atau perumpamaan.

Cuba baca kenyataan Zambry terhadap apa yang disebut oleh Mursyidul Am Pas terhadap Umno, di sana jelas membuktikan Zambry ini tidak memahami apakah itu "kiasan".

Tuan Guru Nik Aziz di dalam ceramahnya di Manek Urai baru-baru ini menyebut Umno adalah parti sesat sama seperti komunis dan ajaran Ayah Pin. Apabila kenyataan ini dihebahkan, maka ramai yang bodoh totok di dalam Umno tidak mengerti apa maksud Tuan Guru tersebut.

Bagi mendidik mereka yang bodoh totok tersebut, Tuan Guru menyatakan bahawa kenyataannya itu adalah `kiasan' atau juga perumpamaan. Adakah Tuan Guru menarik balik kenyataannya itu yang menyatakan Umno sama seperti Komunis dan ajaran ayah Pin? Sudah tentu tidak, sebaliknya Tuan Guru memperjelaskan lagi kenyataannya untuk lebih mudah difahami oleh mereka yang bodoh sombong ini.

Pelik bin ajaib, kita ingat mungkin dua tiga kerat ahli-ahli Umno di ceruk-ceruk kampong atau orang-orang tua yang tidak bersekolah sahaja yang tidak faham maksud dari kenyataan Tuan Guru Nik Aziz, tetapi ramai golongan elit dan dianggap cerdik pandai dalam Umno pun tidak faham apa itu kiasan.

Termasuklah si Zambry ini yang tidak faham.

Untuk mengajar benak Zambry ini, mari kita beri satu contoh. Ini Contoh, "kulit muka saya hitam dan gelap sama seperti Orang Asli Afrika". Apakah Zambry ingat saya ini Orang Asli Afrika? Jika Zambry menjawab Ya, eloklah Zambry mendaftar untuk memasuki sekolah semula.

Oleh kerana kedangkalan otak beliau, beliau menganggap Tuan Guru telah mengakui kesilapannya mengeluarkan kenyataan tersebut. Kita ingin bertanya, di mana dan bila masa Tuan Guru Nik Aziz menarik kembali kenyataannya? Bukankah kenyataan Tuan Guru Nik Aziz yang memperjelaskan bahawa apa yang diucapkannya itu adalah kiasan hanyalah untuk mengajar orang-orang yang pendek akal seperti Zambry?

Itulah akibatnya apabila mengeluarkan kenyataan tanpa menggunakan otak sehingga ditertawakan orang.

Dan yang terbaru juga, Zambry minta agar Mufti Perak jangan diperlekehkan dalam soal Kerajaan Perpaduan Umno-Pas yang digilakan sangat oleh Umno itu. Beliau berkata Mufti tersebut bukan orang politik.

Persoalannya, jika sudah rasa diri bukan orang politik kenapa gatal-gatal mulut campurtangan di dalam perancangan mana-mana parti politik? Atas dasar perpaduan Islam?

Masakan Mufti tidak tahu perpaduan dalam Islam bukan seperti perpaduan sesama golongan penyamun dan perompak untuk merampas negeri orang. Perpaduan dalam Islam hendaklah berpaksikan Al-Quran.

Sekiranya Mufti Perak sanggup beri jaminan bahawa Umno sedia untuk meletakkan Al-Quran di tengah-tengah sebagai hakim, penentu dan rujukan ke arah mencari perpaduan dengan Pas, saya gerenti Pas akan sebulat suara sanggup untuk berbincang ke arah perpaduan yang dihajati itu. Tetapi, jika tangan ingin berjabat salam dalam masa yang sama kaki memijak Al-Quran, lebih baik kita terus bertentangan.

Saya fikir lebih baik Zambry dan Mufti Perak berbincang samada kerajaan yang beliau bentuk sekarang ini di Perak menepati Al-Quran atau tidak. Jika tidak mahu jadikan Al-Quran sebagai rujukan, boleh juga memikirkan samada bertepatan dengan demokrasi atau tidak.

Jika kedua-duanya tidak bertepatan dengan apa yang telah mereka lakukan, maka kita tidak tahu kerajaa apakah yang telah terbentuk di Perak sekarang. Islam pun bukan, ikut demokrasi pun jauh sekali. Mungkin kerajaan seperti ini ada di belantara, itu mungkin.

Sunday 28 June 2009

UPDATED! A Short Lesson for UMNO on How NOT to be "Parti Melayu Yang Bodoh dan Kurang Ajar"

Read here for more article by "Sakmongkol AK47: and HERE

Definition: Neanderthal
a. An extinct human species (Homo neanderthalensis) or subspecies (Homo sapiens neanderthalensis) living during the late Pleistocene Epoch throughout most of Europe and parts of Asia and northern Africa and associated with Middle Paleolithic tools.

b.
An individual belonging to this species or subspecies.

2. Slang A crude, boorish, or slow-witted person.


Quote

"... UMNO berkelakuan seperti seorang "Political Neanderthal" . Mereka bersikap seolah UMNO masih parti zaman sebelum mencapai kemerdekaan.

Sebelum kita merdeka, semua tenaga dan emosi orang Melayu tertumpu kepada usaha mendapatkan kemerdekaan. Dalam suasana demikian, UMNO ujud dan berjaya mendapatkan monopoli keatas menguasai minda dan emosi orang Melayu.Orang Melayu melihat UMNO sebagai satu satu nya parti yang mampu mengembeling ketaatan orang Melayu. Bila kita ada monopoli, kita boleh caj apa harga yang kita suka. Kita boleh ek sikit.

(Tetapi) pimpinan UMNO tidak faham reality politik HARI INI !

Dalam pasaran yang ada saingan, kalau kita berlagak macam kita ini masih ada monopoli, kita akan kecundang.

Dalam suasana orang Melayu ada pilihan dan pasaran ada saingan, cara untuk mengatasi lawan kita ialah memenangi fikiran dan hati rakyat dengan penghujjahan dan berbudi yang ikhlas.

Ada sesuatu yang tidak kena apabila ketua Pemuda UMNO Kelantan buat lapuran polis keatas Tok Guru Nik Aziz.

Inilah petanda orang UMNO tidak faham reality politik hari ini. Kita berlagak seolah olah kita orang UMNO adalah anugerah Tuhan ke Negara ini. Zaman itu sudah berlalu.

Dengan melakukan tindakan melapurkan kepada polis, tindakan ini akan bertambah mengalienasikan UMNO. Kalau orang tak suka kita, kita tak boleh paksa. Kalau orang tak setuju dengan idea kerajaan perpaduan, kita tidak boleh paksa.

Bila ketua Pemuda UMNO Kelantan buat lapuran polis, apa yang dia buktikan ialah UMNO suka memaksa orang lain supaya ikut cakap dia. Ini cara orang yang rasa dia control semua hal. Ini cara orang yang ingat dia ada monopoli keatas fikiran dan hati rakyat.

Dan orang boleh membaca hipokrasi kita apabila sekoyong koyong orang datang duduk kampong kita , menoreh getah bersama kita, membaiki atap bocor, minum kopi di warung dengan kita...."

-"Sakmongkol AK47" /Datuk Mohd.Ariff Sabri bin Hj. Abdul Aziz
- ADUN of Pulau Manis, Pekan.(2004-2008)

Excerpts:

Ada sesuatu yang tidak kena apabila Ketua Pemuda UMNO Kelantan buat lapuran polis keatas Tok Guru Nik Aziz.


Inilah petanda orang UMNO tidak faham reality politik hari ini. Kita berlagak seolah olah kita orang UMNO adalah anugerah Tuhan ke Negara ini. Zaman itu sudah berlalu.

Dengan melakukan tindakan melapurkan kepada polis, tindakan ini akan bertambah mengalienasikan UMNO. Kalau orang tak suka kita, kita tak boleh paksa. Kalau orang tak setuju dengan idea kerajaan perpaduan, kita tidak boleh paksa.

Orang UMNO pun bukan semua setuju dengan konsep perpaduan jika itu di jadikan alasan untuk melanjutkan hayat politik kaki haprak dalam UMNO.

Jika berlaku perpaduan akibat dari political expediency, apa yang kita ingat akan berlaku? Yang akan berlaku ialah UMNO TIDAK perlu melakukan perubahan dalaman. Apabila perubahan tidak berlaku apa jadi? Majority ketua bahagian yang sudah berkarat yang lebih berminat mengejar dan menjaga kepentingan peribadi akan terus mengekalkan kuasa.

Apabila ini terjadi, UMNO akan terus membuta tulikan diri kepada seruan untuk melakukan perubahan radikal.

Reality politik yang UMNO tidak faham ialah hari ini, UMNO beroperasi dalam persekitaran rakyat bebas membuat pilihan( free to choose).

Pertama, ada banyak parti yang orang Melayu boleh pilih. Mereka boleh pilih PAS jika mereka mahu. Mereka juga boleh pilih PKR kalau mereka mahu. Sebab PKR pun ramai orang Melayu. Bila ada lebih dari satu parti yang boleh membentuk kerajaan, itu sudah di kira one too many.

Kebebasan membuat pilihan bertambah kerana kesedaran politik orang Melayu meningkat. Mereka sudah menikmati sedikit sebanyak kemewahan ekonomi. Kesedaran mereka di perkukuhkan dengan pendidikan yang universal. Anak anak mereka yang belajar di kolej dan university kembali ke kampong dan memberi nasihat kepada ibu bapa mereka. Mobiliti social yang menambah peluang untuk bergaul dan berinteraksi memainkan peranan sebagai penyalur maklumat dan cerita cerita baru dan bukan semua nya kredit kepada UMNO.

Tapi UMNO berkelakuan seperti seorang Political Neanderthal. Mereka bersikap seolah UMNO masih parti zaman sebelum mencapai kemerdekaan.

Sebelum kita merdeka, kita hanya berdepan dengan penjajahan Inggeris. Semua tenaga dan emosi orang Melayu tertumpu kepada usaha mendapatkan kemerdekaan. Dalam suasana demikian, UMNO ujud dan berjaya mendapatkan monopoli keatas menguasai minda dan emosi orang Melayu. Orang Melayu melihat UMNO sebagai satu satu nya parti yang mampu mengembeling ketaatan orang Melayu. Bila kita ada monopoli, kita boleh caj apa harga yang kita suka. Kita boleh ek sikit.

Tapi dalam pasaran yang ada saingan, kalau kita berlagak macam kita ini masih ada monopoli, kita akan kecundang.

Pimpinan UMNO tidak faham reality politik HARI INI.

Dalam suasana orang Melayu ada pilihan dan pasaran ada saingan, cara untuk mengatasi lawan kita ialah memenangi fikiran dan hati rakyat dengan penghujjahan dan berbudi yang ikhlas.

Bila ketua Pemuda UMNO Kelantan buat lapuran polis, apa yang dia buktikan ialah UMNO suka memaksa orang lain supaya ikut cakap dia. Ini cara orang yang rasa dia control semua hal. Ini cara orang yang ingat dia ada monopoli keatas fikiran dan hati rakyat. Dan orang boleh membaca hipokrasi kita apabila sekoyong koyong orang datang duduk kampong kita , menoreh getah bersama kita, membaiki atap bocor, minum kopi di warung dengan kita.

Perpaduan Melayu TIDAK bersyaratkan kepada perpaduan antara PAS dan UMNO. Saya minta kita fikir perkara ini dengan mendalam.

Meletakkan masa depan kita secara mutlak kepada PARTI POLITIK, bererti kita memperakui bahawa parti politik adalah sesuatu yang kita mesti perhambakan diri kepada nya. Ini bertentangan sangat dengan piagam kermerdekaan jiwa kita sebagai manusia.

Cogan kata kita sekarang BUKAN lagi: UMNO itu Melayu dan Melayu itu UMNO.

Ada dua bahagian dalam slogan UMNO itu Melayu dan Melayu itu UMNO.
  1. UMNO itu Melayu membawa erti: UMNO adalah sesuatu yang kita dewa dan puja dan orang Melayu adalah jagaan UMNO.

  2. Melayu itu UMNO membawa erti: kita hanya berfungsi untuk menghamba abdikan diri.
Tidak bersetuju dengan perpaduan UMNO dan PAS bukan bererti TIDAK SUKA perpaduan Melayu.

Kita mesti jelas dalam hal ini. Dan perpaduan orang Melayu tidak semestinya bersyaratkan gabungan antara UMNO dan PAS.

Yang kita ada masaalah ialah dengan orang yang ek mengaku UMNO mewakili dan membela orang Melayu.

Sejak zaman merdeka bahkan sebelum merdeka, kesemua jawatan penting dalam pentadbiran negara dan negeri di pegang oleh orang Melayu. Ketua tentera, polis, kerajaan, pegawai daerah, pegawai MARA, kalau di pejabat Tanah Kuantan yang saya lebih tahu, nak cari muka bukan Melayu seperti mencari harta Karun.

Ertinya, semua tahap pimpinan dalam jentera pentadbiran dan pihak yang ada kuasa terdiri dari orang Melayu.

Dari segi jurang beza antara kaya dan miskin yang paling teruk ialah di kalangan orang Melayu sendiri!. Perbezaan pendapatan antara bangsa pula bukanlah kepalang nya lagi.

Ia membuktikan di Tanah Melayu ini, kalau kita hendak kaya dan maju, kita TIDAK perlu jadi MELAYU . Yang terkaya dan yang termaju dalam Negara Tanah Melayu ini, adalah BUKAN Melayu!

Kedua, bila jurang kaya dan miskin amat teruk dalam kalangan bangsa Melayu sendiri, ini membuktikan pimpinan orang Melayu TIDAK membantu majority Melayu tapi lebih berusaha untuk "feather nest" masing masing.

Oleh sebab itu, apabila pimpinan JUTAWAN UMNO becakap mengenai perpaduan Melayu, mereka sebetulnya menyeru bersatulah orang Melayu.

Cakap mengenai perpaduan Melayu adalah alasan untuk mengekalkan KUASA. Tentangan terhadap agenda perpaduan mesti dilihat dalam konteks penolakan rakyat dan sebahagian besar ahli UMNO kepada usaha beterusan golongan elit dan pimpinan jutawan dalam UMNO mahu meneruskan pimpinan dan dominasi mereka keatas politik UMNO.

Kedegilan dan keengganan melihat reality yang melanda UMNO meransang pimpinan millionaire UMNO untuk mencari apa jua jalan untuk mengekalkan kuasa.

Cakap dan jual minyak mengenai perpaduan sesama Melayu tidak lain dan tidak bukan hanyalah topeng yang menyembunyikan sandiwara pimpinan elit UMNO mahu mengekalkan kuasa.

Agenda perpaduan (Melayu) yang di jaja hari ini akan memberi alasan yang paling licik untuk TIDAK melakukan agenda perubahan yang di desak oleh orang bawahan UMNO.

Ianya juga satu lagi usaha pimpinan UMNO yang sudah mula hilang kredibiliti daripada berdepan dengan masaalah pokok orang UMNO dan Melayu.
- "Sakmongkol AK47"

SAMBUNGAN.......

Read here for more

Sikap pimpinan UMNO hari ini, boleh di simpulkan sebagai begini. JANGAN DI TANYA APA UMNO BOLEH BUAT UNTUK KITA, TANYA APA KITA BOLEH BUAT UNTUK UMNO.

Terjemahan: UMNO sesuatu yang maha besar yang mesti di dewakan dan di taati secara mutlak. We (UMNO) define life for you.

Keadaan hari ini tidak membenarkan UMNO berlagak seperti ini. UMNO berdepan dengan reality bahawa ia tidak lagi mempunyai monopoli ketas fikiran dan emosi orang Melayu.

Kedua, UMNO berdepan dengan reality bahawa rakyat bebas memilih dan kebolehan memilih yang ada pada mereka, di bantu oleh beberapa perkara yang saya sudah terangkan di atas.

Saya baru mendengar satu rancangan dalam Awani yang melibatkan seorang ketua bahagian, yang mendefinisikan apa erti bersatu dan perpaduan Melayu mengikut kaca mata UMNO. Who gives you the moral authority to define apa itu unity?

Inilah contoh pemimpin yang tidak sedar bahawa UMNO sudah tidak ada monopoli keatas menentukan definisi sesuatu lagi.

UMNO TIDAK boleh lagi mendakwa mereka menolong orang Melayu

Perpaduan Melayu mesti diasaskan diatas prinsip prinsip yang bersifat hidup dan berkekalan. Perpaduan yang bersifat seperti ini, mengatasi penggabungan ekspedient antara parti politik. Bila parti politik bergabung, mereka ada suatu perkara sahaja dalam benak fikiran- mendapat dan mengekal kuasa.

Perkara perkara yang bersifat enduring termasuklah soal Bahasa Melayu umpamanya, soal Agama Islam, soal Raja Raja Melayu. Ini semua sudah terpahat dalam undang undang tubuh Malaysia iaitu perlembagaan kita.

Jadi apabila TS Muhyidin Yassin berikrar UMNO akan berjuang untuk perkara perkara ini yang SUDAH pun termaktub dalam perlembagaan Malaysia, ikrar tersebut hanya satu political tautology.

Perpaduan orang Melayu bukan suatu perkara baru yang muncul hanya ketika cakap mengenai kerajaan perpaduan berlaku. Tanpa parti PAS atau UMNO memperjuangkan perpaduan orang Melayu, kecenderungan untuk bersatu sentiasa ada di kalangan orang Melayu.

Ini adalah kerana 'ancaman' keatas orang Melayu hari ini tidak lebih besar dari ancaman kepada orang Melayu semasa tahun 1969/1970. Ketika itu ancaman kepada orang Melayu lebih besar. Faktor ancaman hanya mampu menyatupadukan orang Melayu untuk sementara waktu sahaja.

Selepas 1969, kemungkinan besar pimpinan PAS ketika itu, merasakan rusuhan kaum 1969 cukup untuk di jadikan sebab untuk bersatu. Namun apa yang kita lihat, apabila keadaan kembali stabil dan pimpinan UMNO bertambah kuat, perpaduan yang diasaskan atas faktor ancaman, terungkai.

Malah PAS membayar kos yang tinggi akibat termakan dengan alasan factor ancaman.

Apa yang saya mahu tegaskan, ialah factor orang Melayu kian terancam adalah lagu basi yang mahu di putar semula. Pimpinan PAS yang mebayar kos yang tinggi kerana alasan demikian membuat pemimpin seperti Nik Aziz tidak mahu mengulangi kesilapan yang hampir memusnahkan PAS.

Mari kita bercakap mengenai mengembalikan kerelevenan UMNO dengan orang Melayu. Itu isiu yang lebih besar.
-Sakmongkol AK47

Saturday 27 June 2009

UPDATED ! A Short Lesson on Malaysian History and Malaysian Politics for the Oxford Graduate in UMNO Youth

Read here for more

The following article is in response to Khairy Jamaluddin, UMNO Youth Chief's article in his blog entitled"Dinosaur Diversions " Read Here

Response to Khairy Jamaluddin's Article. "Dinosaur Diversions"
(Read Here Khairy's article)


by

Raja Petra Kamarudin
The issue is not whether Malay unity is good for the country or otherwise. Maybe Malay unity is good.

But MALAYSIAN unity is even BETTER.

What is it anyway that the MALAYS wish to unite AGAINST?

And have the Malays always been united in the past whereas it is only now that they are not united?

If one were to study the history of this country -- and I don’t mean the history since only 1946 when Umno was formed and is said to have opposed the British in the pursuit of independence for Malaya -- you will see that the Malays have never been united.

The Malays have always been at war with each other.

In the Kuala Lumpur Wars during the time of Sultan Abdul Samad, one group of Malays sided with one group of Chinese to fight against another group of Malays who had sided with another group of Chinese. As much as the history books try to suggest that it was Chinese versus Chinese (some even say it was the Ghee Hins against the Hai Sans), the truth of the matter is it was one Chinese-Malay group versus another Chinese-Malay group.

Selangor was in chaos with thousands massacred on both sides. Eventually, the British had to step in to restore order and to protect British business interests, which were being affected by the bloodshed.

The same happened in Negeri Sembilan earlier. Then, it was the Malays versus the Dutch colonialists. But another group of Malays sided with the Dutch to defeat the opposing Malays.

During the Japanese Occupation from 1941 to 1945, one group of Malays joined Chin Peng to oppose the Japanese -- this was when the CPM (Communist Party of Malaya) was still called the MPAJA (Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army) -- while another group of Malays worked with Japanese. Even back then the Malays was split into the pro-Communist group and the pro-Japanese group.

And even earlier still one group of Malays worked with the Portuguese to bring down the Malay government of Melaka. Further north, another group of Malays worked with the Siamese to defeat another group of Malays who wanted to create an independent territory free of Siamese domination.

In short, since the beginning of time, the Malays have never been united even against the Siamese, Portuguese, Dutch, British or Japanese colonialists/invaders.

Why is it so crucial for the Malays to now unite long after the Colonialists have all gone home and the country has seen independence for more than 50 years?

We normally unite against something or someone. If the Malays must unite then it should be for a reason like to oppose a foreign invader or colonial power.

Is there such a reason for the Malays to unite?

Or is that Umno is suggesting the Malays unite against fellow-Malaysians who are non-Malays?

There is a certain amount of merit in Khairy’s comments on some of the other issues although his arguments may not be too much on the dot. For example, he pointed out the weaknesses and failures of the opposition coalition. True, these do exist. Some of these weaknesses can in fact be attributed to the Menteri Besar running those Pakatan Rakyat states. But how would the Malay unity talks be able to address these weaknesses? It is like saying since you are already weak then why not join us anyway?

Since 1999 many of us have been saying what Khairy is saying -- that the opposition should be formalised as a legally-registered entity like Barisan Nasional and that it should contest the general elections not only on a common name but also a common banner, logo and flag. But we were told you need seven political parties to register as a coalition and the opposition currently comprises of only three parties. If this is true then maybe Khairy can get the government to change the rules whereby even two political parties can register as a coalition. Then let’s see Pakatan Rakyat as a legally-registered party with its own flag, banner and logo. And in the next election PKR, DAP and PAS need no longer use their own colours to contest.

I am not too perturbed about the other issues raised by Khairy -- in particular the perceived chaos and disunity in the opposition. You see: it is quite normal for politicians to compete. This is what makes them politicians. And when there is no enemy to face they fight amongst themselves. This is sort of like staying in training and keeping your reflexes sharp.

Politicians will always fight. They fight amongst themselves. They fight the other side. This is what makes them tough and seasoned politicians. The most important thing is will they close ranks during the general election and when facing the real enemy or will they sabotage each other and allow the enemy to win out of sheer spite?

Pakatan Rakyat, just like Barisan Nasional, has internal squabbles -- both inter-party and intra-party. But they have demonstrated a certain level of maturity by uniting and ensuring victory for the opposition during an election. And this is something Barisan Nasional is not able to do.

So I agree with what Khairy said. But it is not something to be overly worried about -- although it is extremely irritating to see the opposition go for each other’s throats when it should be Umno or Barisan Nasional that they should be attacking instead. But as long as they can unite and not engage in three- or four-corner fights come election time, and work hard to ensure that the opposition candidate wins, that is all that matters and I am prepared to allow them this little distraction until then.

Nevertheless, this is still not enough ground for Malay unity talks, if this is what Khairy is trying to suggest. Anyway, the type of Malay unity that Khairy is suggesting means united under Umno. Can’t the Malays unite under PAS? If all we seek is Malay unity then it does not matter under which banner they unite as long as they unite.

If, for example, more Malays support PAS than Umno, would they be prepared to close down Umno and all of them join PAS for the sake of Malay unity? If Malay unity is really the issue then it does not matter under which party the Malays unite. And if Malay unity is so important, then closing down Umno and everyone uniting under PAS would be a small price to pay. I mean: Malay unity should be above Umno or PAS if Malay unity and not Umno is the crucial factor.

Khairy calls his piece Dinosaur Diversions. For that matter many of his arguments about Anwar, Karpal, Kit Siang, etc., are exactly that, diversions. Those are not crucial to the issue. What is would be that Malays have never been united since time immemorial. And they will never be united till the end of time. Accept that. And accept that there is no solution to this. Hey, even Umno has never been united since the day it was formed.

The next issue to note is that we should no longer be talking about Malay unity. We should be talking about Malaysian unity. We are far from achieving unity as Malaysians. And the more we talk about Malay unity the harder it would be to achieve Malaysian unity. Can I hear Khairy start talking about this? But don’t just talk. That is sheer lip service. Show us that you are doing something about it.

And on the national issues that Khairy proposes, this is simple. There are so many national issues to address and all have been raised here in Malaysia Today many times in the past. So I need not waste time repeating them yet again. Khairy knows what they are. I know what they are. Everyone reading this knows what they are. But Umno is resistant to all these ideas. Umno opposes the will of the people. Umno is not in the least interested in reforms.

And this is where the problem lies.

-Raja Petra Kamarudin

RELATED ARTICLE

A Short Lesson for DPM MUHYDDIN YASSIN on How UMNO Can LOSE Big in the Next General Election

Read here for more article "Muhyiddin, Learn Thou Shalt Not on Straight Talk Blog

by

Khoo Kay Peng

Muhyiddin Yassin said: "Umno will fight to the last drop of blood to protect Malay rights, the status of the Malay Rulers, Bahasa Melayu and Islam as these matters are enshrined in the Constitution."

He (also) said:
  • they (UMNO) would also fight to defend the rights of other races to ensure no one community would be oppressed.

  • the election also showed that the Malays had stopped supporting Umno, the Chinese were not supporting the MCA and Gerakan and the Indians were not supporting MIC and PPP.

  • the old unity and power-sharing concept that had brought development, growth, peace and stability in the country was now taken for granted.
Amazing, if only Muhyiddin study his own statement he should be able to find out why voters deserted the BN coalition:

  1. First, his party(UMNO ) and himself still cannot get over with race based politics.

    No one is threatening the Malays in the country.

    Globalisation is the main threat.

  2. Second, the party (UMNO) continues to put other races at the bottom.

    The promise not to oppress the non-Malays is the biggest joke for a joker like our deputy prime minister. We are Malaysians and we are your bosses.

    As a MALAYSIAN, I will vote AGAINST any UMNO candidate.

  3. Finally, it is precise the OLD political model that WE have rejected.
With leaders like Muhyiddin, no wonder this country at where it is now. No wonder BN and other non-UMNO parties will continue to face DEFEATS in the elections.

Friday 26 June 2009

UPDATED ! Perak Crisis: The Long Delayed Written Judgement from the Court of Appeal Judges. So What's New?

AT LAST, Malaysians have the Written Judgement from the Court of Appeal Judges ( from BERNAMA)

A. Written Judgement of Justice Md Raus Sharif:

Summary

The Court of Appeal's ruling of the case was made on May 22. Justice Md Raus Sharif dated his 49-page judgement as of June 2, but he only released it today (June 25).

  • Sultan Azlan Shah was right in NOT dissolving the Perak State Legislative Assembly in February because it was barely one year old

  • In order for a dissolution of the assembly to take effect under Article 36(2) of the Perak State Constitution as requested by the then mentri besar Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, the assembly must be in the conclusion of the five-year term when a general election is contemplated.

  • Nizar had applied the WRONG provision when requesting for the dissolution of the assembly. Article 36 of the Perak Constitution was only a general provision empowering the sultan to prorogue or dissolve the assembly after the conclusion of the five-year term.

  • Nizar should have instead requested for dissolution of the assembly under Article 16(6) which states that if the mentri besar loses the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly, then, unless at his request of the sultan, dissolves the assembly, he shall tender the resignation of the Executive Council.

  • The question of Perak having two mentris besar did NOT arise because Article 16(6) demands that once the mentri besar was made to know that he had lost the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly, he should take the honourable way out by tendering his resignation.

  • If the mentri besar REFUSES or does NOT tender his resignation and the resignation of the Executive Council, as had happened in this case, the fact remains that the Executive Council is dissolved (which include the mentri besar) on account of the mentri besar losing the confidence of the majority of the members of the legislative assembly. Therefore, it was UNNECESSARY for the sultan to remove Nizar and the other members of the Executive Council

  • Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir’s appointment as the mentri besar to succeed Nizar was made according to the Perak Constitution and established democratic practice and convention.

  • The Sultan of Perak in exercise of his royal prerogative under Article 16(2) of the Perak State Constitution is at liberty to appoint another mentri besar to replace Nizar

  • The Sultan, however, must appoint someone who has the command and the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly and in this case, there was no doubt that Zambry had the majority support of 31 members out of 59 members of the assembly.

  • The circumstances in the present case clearly shows that on February 5, Nizar no longer had the confidence of the majority of members of the assembly. There were signed letters from 31 members pledging support to Barisan Nasional which were presented to the Sultan

  • Article 16(6) does NOT express MANDATORY requirement that there must be a motion of no confidence passed by the assembly against a mentri besar before he ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members.

  • The fact that a mentri besar ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly can be established by OTHER means. It CANNOT solely be confined to the vote taken in the assembly.

B. Written Judgement of Justice Ahmad Maarop


Summary:

  • Nizar MUST tender his resignation once he lost the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly and when sultan refused his request to dissolve the assembly.

  • His (Nizar) refusal to tender his resignation and the resignation of the Executive Council was not merely a breach of convention and undemocratic but more importantly, it contravened the clear mandatory constitutional command under Article 16(6) of the Perak Constitution and therefore unconstitutional.

  • Since he had ceased to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the assembly, it is IMPLICIT that on his REFUSAL to tender the resignation, the Executive Council is thereby dissolved and the office of the mentri besar vacated.

  • The sultan’s power to dismiss the mentri besar was IMPLICIT in the event the mentri besar refuses to resign although he has ceased to command the confidence of the majority and the sultan withholds his request to dissolve the assembly.The situation confronting His Royal Highness in the state of Perak was one such situation,

  • The Sultan in that critical situation RIGHTLY exercised his constitutional powers provided under the State Constitution, which exercise was without any doubt, SOLELY for the best interest of the people of Perak.
Datuk Zainun Ali’s judgement is expected to be released on Monday.

The three Court of Appeal judges had on May 22 ruled that Zambry was the legitimate mentri besar of Perak, reversing an earlier High Court decision in Nizar’s favour.

The Federal Court is to hear Nizar’s application for leave to appeal on July 9 and 10

Brief Background of the Case
Nizar, 52, was appointed Perak mentri besar on March 17 last year after the DAP-Parti Keadilan Rakyat-Pas alliance won 31 seats in the state assembly in 12th general election.

Less than a year later, they lost three members who declared themselves independent and lent support for Barisan Nasional (BN) that then had 28 seats in the assembly after a representative who had jumped ship earlier made an about turn.

Sultan Azlan Shah then asked Nizar to step down and swore in Zambry after finding that BN had the majority in the state assembly.

Following this, Nizar initiated the legal action to seek a declaration he is the rightful mentri besar and an injunction to bar Zambry from discharging his duties.

RELATED ARTICLE

READERS' COMMENTS: Read here for more

  • They just have to find some grounds no matter how stupid it is. if there were strong grounds, it wouldn't take them more than 1 month to provide the written judgement. Compared to the High Court judge, 4 days were just needed. Stupid or not stupid, they have done their job well in the eyes of the govt of the day. I wonder if it is PR as the federal govt, how will they rule for similar case?

    Frankly, if I am a foreign investor, I have to think twice before putting my dollars in this country with the judiciary in such shambles.

  • Wish to reiterate that Raus’s interpretation of Art.36(2) is hogwash and plain stupidity. According to him as reported in the press, that article is for MB to request for dissolution when the Assembly has concluded its 5 yr term and contemplating a GE.

    This is kindergarten stuff by Raus, a Malaysian Court of Appeal judge. It shows the standard of our judges. If the Assembly has concluded its 5 yr term, then there is no point of asking for a dissolution. It automatically dissolves itself.

    I don’t know whether there is a similar article in the Perak Constitution as found in other States. Under Art. 55(3) of the Fed Constitution, it is stated that Parliament, unless sooner dissolved shall continue for 5yrs from the date of 1st meeting, and shall then stand dissolved. When it concluded its 5yr period it is automatically dissolved and you don’t seek a dissolution.

    A dissolution is only sought under that Article before the Assembly/Parliament had concluded its 5 yr period. It can range from one day after the sitting and a day bf 5 yrs.

    On reaching 5 yrs, it automatically dissolves. I think even a standard 6 pupil can understand this lah. What a Judge we have.

  • I am eagerly looking forward to read our learned friend NH Chan’s comments on the Court of Appeal judgments. After all the comments on the judgments, I wonder whether the judges concerned are feeling shameful or not. Dear Mr. NH Chan, please give your comments soonest.


(The following article was published BEFORE the Court of Appeal made public its written judgment today)

The Sultan has no explicit power to dismiss an MB under the Perak Constitution”,The Sultan’s Constitutional Powers: A Comment

by

Professor Kevin YL Tan
(Prof Kevin Tan has taught constitutional law for over 20 years. He currently holds Adjunct Professorships at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore and the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University.

He is co-author (with Thio Li-ann) of the leading constitutional law textbook “Constitutional Law in Malaysia and Singapore” widely used as standard reading material in universities; “Introduction to Singapore’s Constitution” and numerous articles on constitutional law in Singapore, Malaysia and the region.)

Excerpts: Read here for more

On 11 May 2009, the Kuala Lumpur High Court ruled that as there had been no vote of confidence on the floor of the LA, Nizar remained the rightful MB of Perak.

Zambry appealed against this decision and on 22 May, the Court of Appeal overturned the High Court decision and declared that Zambry had been rightfully appointed as MB. At the time of this article going to press, the Court of Appeal has yet to deliver the grounds for that decision.

Even so, Nizar’s lawyers filed an application for leave to appeal against the Court of Appeal decision 19 June 2009. This application is scheduled for hearing on 9-10 July.

Issues Raised by the High Court Decision


As the High Court’s decision is the only one available, this commentary relates to this judgment. The key issues in this case are whether HRH Sultan Azlan Shah:
a. could dismiss the Executive Council when Nizar refused to tender the Council’s resignation after the Sultan refused to his request to dissolve the LA;

b. was constitutionally empowered to appoint Zambry the new MB when Nizar refused to tender the resignation of the Executive Council; and

c. had a discretion to determine if Nizar had lost the confidence of the majority of members of the LA in any other way than by a vote on the floor of the Assembly.
Ambit of Article 16(6)

The key to answering these questions is Article 16 (6) of the Perak Constitution which provides:

If the Menteri Besar ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly, then, unless at his request His Royal Highness dissolves the Legislative Assembly, he shall tender the resignation of the Executive Council.

The High Court Judge, Dato’ Abdul Aziz J, adopted the “golden rule of interpretation” requiring a court to give the words of the Constitution a plain and ordinary reading if the words are unambiguous.

Finding that Article 16(6) of the Perak Constitution “contains no ambiguity whatsoever”, Abdul Aziz J held that the Sultan had no power to dismiss Nizar; neither was he allowed to deem the office of MB vacant when Nizar refused to resign.

To do so, he added, would be to do “violence to the language” of Article 16(6).

The learned Judge held that when Nizar requested HRH to dissolve the LA, he had NOT done so with “any reference to any provision in the Perak’s State Constitution” and in the absence of reference to any specific provision in the Constitution, Nizar was thus requesting HRH to exercise his royal prerogative under Article 36(2) which gave HRH a general power to “prorogue or dissolve the Legislative Assembly.”

The Textual Argument


A textual reading of Article 16(6) supports the High Court’s interpretation of this key provision.

Article 16 comes under the heading “The Executive Council” and the relevant provision is the 6th of its 8 sub-clauses.

Though headings, sub-headings and marginal notes do not technically form part of the constitutional text, they help us understand the structure and organisation of the Constitution.

On the face of it, Article 16 is clearly intended to deal specifically with matters relating to the Executive Council and not generalities.

A general request for the dissolution of the LA and the Sultan’s discretion thereof is governed by Article 36(2) read with Article18(2)(b). That means that the Sultan has a general power to dissolve the LA and may act in his discretion in withholding a request for dissolution.

Such a general request for dissolution does NOT fall under Article 16(6) which is to be deployed in a very specific instance. This is immediately discernible when we read it sequentially:
A MB who has already ceased to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly must tender the resignation of the Executive Council, but only if HRH exercises his discretion to refuse to dissolve the Legislative Assembly upon that MB’s request for dissolution.
Following from this reading, it is clear that the determination as to whether and when the MB has lost the confidence of the majority of the members of the LA - as opposed to whether the MB was likely to command the confidence of the majority of LA members under Article 162) - is a matter for the Legislative Assembly itself. It is NOT an executive decision.

The Argument from History


Does history support the High Court’s reading of Article 16(6)?

Back in 1956, various representations were made to the Reid Commission on the status and powers of the Sultan and on his power to act.

Back then, debates still raged over what necessary constitutional amendments needed to be made to make the Sultans “constitutional rulers” and whether the MB should hold office at the Sultan’s pleasure.

What is quite clear from the resulting deliberations is that the Commission was determined to ensure that
(a) the organization of government in the states mirrored that of the Federation; and

(b) the Malay Rulers should no longer preside over their state executive councils and involve themselves in executive decision-making save in very limited instances.
These concerns led the Commission to set out the meaning of “constitutional ruler” in paragraph 177 of their Report:
… a constitutional Ruler is a Ruler with limited powers, and the essential limitations are that the Ruler should be bound to accept and act on the advice of the Menteri Besar or Executive Council, and that the Menteri Besar or Executive Council should not hold office at the pleasure of the Ruler or be ultimately responsible to him but should be responsible to a parliamentary assembly and should cease to hold office on ceasing to have the confidence of that assembly. (emphasis added)
By the Commission’s reckoning, there was NO intention to give the constitutional ruler a power to dismiss the MB or the Executive Council at will.

Further support can be gleaned from a memorandum on “The State Constitutions” prepared by Sir Ivor Jennings (CO 889/2 p. 156 dated 31 Aug 1956) - certainly the most important and influential member of the Commission - when he noted:
The Rulers will become constitutional monarchs and executive government must be placed under the control, direct or indirect, of the State Councils. It is assumed that the Ruler … would appoint a Menteri Besar … who would have, or hope to obtain, a majority in the State Council. …

It is assumed that the Ruler would have power, on the advice of the Menteri Besar, to dissolve the State Council, but that, like the Queen, he need not accept the advice.

The Ruler would not be empowered to dissolve without advice, though, of course, he could always appoint a new Menteri Besar who was likely so to advise because he had no majority.
Historical precedent is consonant with the High Court’s reading of Article 16(6).

The Sultan was entitled to refuse a request to dissolve the LA, be it a general request - for example when early elections are to be called or where the LA is sharply divided over a key policy or the budget - or a specific request under Article 16(6) after the MB has already lost the confidence of the majority of the LA.

Dismissal of the Executive Council

Both the textual and historical arguments support the High Court’s reading of Article 16(6). However, this does not resolve the question as to whether the Sultan was empowered to
(a) declare the office of the MB and Executive Council vacant; and

(b) following from that declaration, proceed to appoint a new MB.
The Perak Constitution is NOT explicit on this point.

What is clear is that the Executive Council is appointed by the Sultan on the advice of the MB.

Although Article 16(7) states that members of the Executive Council hold their office at HRH’s pleasure, Article 18 makes it patently clear that HRH may NOT dismiss them at a whim, but only upon the advice of the MB.

This reading is borne out by the Reid Commission Report that stated (at paragraph 181):
As the Executive Council is to be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly the appointment of its members must lie in the hands of the Mentri Besar and a new Mentri Besar must be free to appoint a new Executive Council in the same way as the Prime Minister appoints his Ministers.

This result follows from our recommendation that members of the Executive Council should hold office at the pleasure of the Ruler because in appointing or terminating the appointment of a member of the Executive Council the Ruler must act on the advice of the Mentri Besar.
So, what happens if an MB, who has lost the confidence of the majority of the LA, refuses to resign his position and that of the Executive Council after the Sultan rejects that MB’s request for a dissolution of the LA?

This happened in Kelantan in 1977 when its MB, Datuk Mohamed Nasir refused to resign even though he had lost a formal vote of confidence motion in the Kelantan LA, been sacked by his own party, and had his request for dissolution of the LA refused by the Sultan of Kelantan.

The impasse led to the declaration of a state of emergency by the Federal Government that lasted three months, after which the LA was dissolved for fresh elections.

Alas, this single precedent is NOT particularly instructive. No legal solution was possible and ultimately, the situation was resolved politically by the Sultan dissolving the LA and allowing fresh elections to be called.

Perhaps, all rulers and governors should, as a matter of course, accede to requests by their respective MBs to dissolve the LA for fresh elections to be called unless the ruler has a premonition that a calamity might befall the state if he so acceded.

That way, new mandates are quickly determined and the business of government can proceed once a new leadership is established.

Indeed, the Sultan of Perak supported this view of a ruler’s powers when he was Lord President. In his 1982 essay, “The Role of Constitutional Rulers”, he opined:
… under normal circumstances, it is taken for granted that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong would not withhold his consent to a request for dissolution of Parliament. His role under such a situation is purely formal.
This point was picked up by counsel for Nizar and cited with approval by the High Court.

The Sultan has NO explicit power to dismiss an MB under the Perak Constitution. Indeed, neither is the Yang di-Pertuan Agong empowered to dismiss a Prime Minister under the Federal Constitution.

Originally, the Reid Commission had prepared a draft Article 36(2) which, among other things, gave the Yang di-Pertuan Besar power to remove the Prime Minister from office.

However, as the High Court duly noted, the words were changed when the present Article 43(4) was promulgated.
This provision is almost word-for-word the same as Article 16 (6) of the Perak Constitution save for the nomenclature used.

Conclusion


We return to the three questions posed at the start of this article.
  1. If, as the High Court RIGHTLY held, Nizar’s request to dissolve the LA was made under general provisions rather than under Article 16 (6), then HRH had NO power either to declare the office of MB vacant nor to dismiss the members of the Executive Council.

  2. And since HRH had NO power to declare the office of MB vacant, he was correspondingly prevented from exercising his discretion under Article16 (2) to appoint Zambry as MB and to act on Zambry’s advice to appoint members to the Executive Council.

  3. The third question posed - whether HRH had a discretion to determine if Nizar had lost the confidence of the majority of LA members - does not arise for consideration on the facts of THIS case.

  4. The question as to whether or not a show of confidence or support can be demonstrated in any way other than by a formal vote on the floor of the House is moot since HRH is not being asked to exercise his discretion under Article 16(2) to determine support or confidence for the purposes of appointing a new MB.

  5. Even if HRH was called upon to exercise his discretion on this matter, I would argue that the only way to determine confidence (or otherwise) in any individual as MB is to have a formal vote on the floor of the LA. This is especially crucial in a political system that is not constrained by anti-hopping laws, and which allows assemblymen and assemblywomen to transfer loyalties at a drop of a hat.

  6. A formal vote will require formalities to be met, membership of political parties to be ascertained, and resignations or change of affiliations registered. Most importantly, it will provide for certainty.
One possible way to avoid future confusion over the Sultan’s discretionary powers with respect to requests for a dissolution might be to require:
  • the MB to state clearly in his request for dissolution, whether his doing so under the general provisions to which Article 36(2) applies or

  • because he has lost the confidence of the majority of the LA members under Article 166).
That way, there can be no issue of how the Sultan is to deploy his discretion. This can be done as a matter of constitutional practice and will not require a constitutional amendment.

In the meantime, the problem remains.

Two men claim to be the rightful Menteri Besar of Perak and two groups claim to be members of the Executive Council.

As scholars of constitutional law and keen observers of Malaysian politics, we anxiously await the written judgement of the Court of Appeal as eagerly as we await the wisdom of the Federal Court to find a legal solution to an essentially political issue.

Dead: Michael Jackson, 50, King of Pop and Farrah-Fawcett, 62 of Charlie's Angels

Michael Jackson, 50 (August 29, 1958 – June 25, 2009)


Michael Jackson (August 29, 1958 – June 25, 2009 )

(Click here) Michael Jackson Music on You-Tube.

As word spread that Michael Jackson had been pronounced dead at UCLA Medical Center , several people burst into tears. He died of suspected cardiac arrest.

Michael Jackson not only broke the color line at MTV, which, having styled itself as a visual version of white FM radio, had declined to play videos by black artists, he changed music video itself. He amplified its scale, with ambitious, long-form, cast-of-dancing-dozens mini-movies whose influence is still seen today. You can argue the artistic merits of "Thriller," with its corps of zombies, or "Beat It," with its "West Side Story" rumble, but they brought storytelling and Hollywood production values to what had been a medium of glorified infomercials.


Michael Jackson-Billie Jean-30th Anniversary Special

As his personal strangeness began to eclipse his music, as his public career diverged from his private life, he became a person seen and not seen. The videos showed you a person in control, or at least desperately asserting it; the news clips showed you a man in a mask, running scared. A 30th anniversary CBS special in 2001 showed bursts of energy, but he had become ghostly long before he died, pale and paper-thin and skeletal.

Jackson rose to fame as the youngest member of the Jackson 5, a group that Motown founder Berry Gordy was initially reluctant to sign. Read here and here for more

Farrah-Fawcett, 62 (February 2, 1947 – June 25, 2009)


Farrah-Fawcett (February 2, 1947 – June 25, 2009)
(First published in Life magazine in 1976, it is the best-selling pin-up poster of all time,
with more than 12 million copies sold.)

Farrah Fawcett, the multiple Golden Globe and Emmy-nominated American actress best known for her role as the vivacious Jill Munroe in the 1970s television series “Charlie’s Angels,” died in a Santa Monica hospital. She was 62. Her spokesman, Paul Bloch, confirmed that the iconic actress died Thursday morning at 9:28 a.m.

Her long-time partner Ryan O'Neal told People magazine Thursday, "She's gone. She now belongs to the ages ... She's now with her mother and sister and her God. I loved her with all my heart. I will miss her so very, very much. She was in and out of consciousness. I talked to her all through the night. I told her how very much I loved her. She's in a better place now."

Fawcett was diagnosed with anal cancer in September 2006 and, despite going into remission and enduring extensive chemotherapy and surgery both in the U.S. and Germany, it was revealed earlier this year that the cancer had spread to her liver. She stopped receiving treatment in May.

A Tribute to Farrah-Fawcett

Born in Corpus Christi, Texas, in 1947 to a homemaker and an oil field contractor, Fawcett was encouraged to pursue a career in Hollywood while attending the University of Texas at Austin after her photo as one of the “Ten Most Beautiful Coeds” landed on the lap of a Los Angeles publicist. After scoring a string of commercials for consumer products and a few small television roles she finally hit the big-time with “Charlie’s Angels.” But Fawcett, eager to pursue greater acting challenges, left the show after just one season.

The blond beauty soon became the all-American face of her generation when she posed in a red one-piece bathing suit for a poster that became an item of pop culture history and has reportedly sold over 12 million copies. Blessed with a flawless figure and stunning smile, Farrah also had a full head of thick blond wavy hair that took on a star-status of its own; the “Farrah Do” became the most requested style by women across the world. Read here for more and here

Thursday 25 June 2009

Here is Why Tok Guru Nik Aziz was Furious at the PRO-UMNO Faction in PAS

Read here article 'The Heart of Nik Aziz' by "Tohkong Mosjid" in Malaysia-Today






Quote
"... To Nik Aziz, Malay and Islam is a DIFFERENT subject all together. There's NO common ground to talk about.

Many PAS members seem to think PAS is just another Malay party like UMNO. This is why Nik Aziz is so angry about the idea of unity government raised by PAS's own President.

Nik Aziz remembered very well how Bukit Gantang's election was won, it was through the support of a diversified voters.

Nik Aziz together with PAS has finally turn the tide on public's perception against them after 50 years in politics. PAS has taken 52 years to come to this stage.

Nik Aziz just can't let it be ruin in months because his party leaders were not smart enough to smell the trap.

Now he has to find a way to repair the image of its top three leaders BEFORE the next general election. "

The Heart of Nik Aziz

This is Tuan Guru Nik Aziz's version of PAS: To Tuan Guru Nik Aziz:

  1. PAS is NEVER a Malay party.

  2. PAS is NEVER about race.

  3. PAS is about the struggle for Islam.

  4. 'RACE' word was never supposed to exist in PAS dictionary.

  5. PAS is colour-blind to skin colour.

  6. PAS is a party for all Muslims and non-Muslims are free to practice their own religion without hassle.

  7. PAS is about equality, helping the poor and needy, clean and humble.
THIS is the PAS he has been fighting his life for to be accepted by ALL Malaysians.


(Photo courtesy of Siasah blog)

How many members of PAS shared Nik Aziz's version of PAS?

Few I would say.

Do you know why Nik Aziz preferred to have a Chinese-Muslim to replace him as Menteri Besar of Kelantan?

He is trying to send a strong message to all that PAS is an ISLAMIC party and NOT a Malay party.

Differentiating PAS from UMNO

PAS is different from UMNO, in fact they supposed to be very different from UMNO. Unfortunately, in PAS, many of its members seem to think PAS is just another Malay party like UMNO.

This is why Nik Aziz is so angry about the idea of unity government raised by its own President.

Nik Aziz is a seasoned politician. He sensed trouble when the idea of unity government idea was being welcomed by UMNO. How can your enemies of 52 years suddenly wants to be your friend in the name of Malay and Islam unity?

To Nik Aziz, what is Malay unity? PAS is never about Malay because PAS is Pan Malaysian Islamic Party.

What is Islam unity? UMNO is never about Islam because UMNO is United Malays National Organization. There's nothing to be united on, because to Nik Aziz's believe, Malay and Islam is a different subject all together. There's no common ground to talk about.

Why Nik Aziz Ticked Off Nasharuddin Mat Isa

Nik Aziz was agitated by the way UMNO was manipulating the unity issues in their effort to turn the tide on PAS good public's perception. That's why he had to stop the bleeding when his own deputy president was seen singing the same tune as UMNO.

Nik Aziz saw through the plot.

His harsh statement on Nasharuddin was not an easy one to make. It takes a lot courage and wisdom to play such a move to save PAS from falling back to its old status. With its President, Deputy President and Secretary General are being painted as UMNO agent, Nik Aziz has no choice but to step in decisively and fast.

Nik Aziz knows in politics, your enemy wins by being able to turn the public's perception away from you.

UMNO has gained the upper hand because PAS's top leadership now suffers from bad public's perception because of this unity government talk. Regardless of whether their leaders were sincere and noble in their move or not, you lost the war when you lose the public's trust.

The Future for PAS

Now PAS is merely surviving on Nik Aziz's clean image.

If nothing is done in the next 3 years, we can be sure that PAS will return to its 2003 status.

Once labelled as an ultra-conservative figure, Nik Aziz together with PAS has finally turn the tide on public's perception against them after 50 years in politics.

To him, PAS's future is everything he cares for. All his works, words and decisions, although sometimes painful and hurtful, is always in the best interest of PAS.

PAS has taken 52 years to come to this stage. Nik Aziz just can't let it be ruin in months because his party leaders were not smart enough to smell the trap.

Nik Aziz remembered very well how Bukit Gantang's election was won, it was through the support of a diversified voters.

Now he has to find a way to repair the image of its top 3 leaders BEFORE the next general election.

Let just hope time is on his side because right now, no one in PAS can repair the damage to its public image that was self-inflicted besides Nik Aziz.

PAS KEDAH is a Let-Down and a Disgrace to PAS and to Pakatan Rakyat

Read here for more and here in malaysiakini

Save Kedah before PAS Destroys the State



  • Fairus Hazli:

    I am a Malay in Kedah but the type of administration by Kedah under PAS really put us Malays in a difficult situation.

    We don't really need PAS with their EXTREME policies.

    Even the bumi quota which was increase from 30% to 50% is ‘killing’ the Malay contractors as there are now less housing projects in Kedah. That means less sub-contract jobs for us.

    I hope that this can be highlighted to Anwar Ibrahim who will request ask PKR to step in before PAS destroys the whole of Kedah.

  • James Wong:

    I am one of the non-Malays who voted for PAS in the last general election in 2008.

    Like everyone else, I was just frustrated with Umno’s style in BN. The vote for PAS is not because I like PAS, but was intended to teach BN a lesson. I remember PAS used the slogan ‘PAS for All’ and I was happy to hear that PAS, DAP and PKR formed Pakatan Rakyat.

    But after one and a half years, I realise that PAS has betrayed the non-Malays in Kedah and their team members of Pakatan Rakyat.

    Maybe it is the fault of DAP and PKR for not standing up against PAS’ racist policies such as the increase of bumi quota for housing to 50% and the recent pig slaughterhouse issue.

    The price of pork is increasing and PAS is making things worse. I agree with the above headline and the idea by Gerakan Youth leader Tan Keng Liang for PKR and DAP to work with BN.

    I still don't like Umno but now, I hate PAS. PAS is like an Umno in Pakatan Rakyat only worse. PAS is betraying the non-Malays in Kedah and treating us like fools with all their policies.

  • P Dev Anand Pillai:

    I am a frequent visitor to Alor Setar and I find that the town can do with some cleaning up.

    The PAS government has to be able to come up with solutions that the people of Kedah have been looking forward to all this while.

    One of the main things which they should learn is to attract investment into the state. If the PAS- led government is not able to do this, then they should be shown the door come the next general elections.

    One should take as a guide the short stint which the Pakatan government of Perak had before it was ousted ecause the PAS-DAP collaboration there worked well.

    They managed to reduce the state's debts and forged collaborations with interested foreign parties who wanted to invest if red tape and corruption could be reduced.

    Besides stressing on religion, PAS should start putting its efforts on building an economic think- tank that will be able to advise them on the economy when they govern states.

    Extreme policies and measures will ensure that the people will react by booting them out of office the next time around. The power of the vote is now more better valued.

  • Suresh:

    Pakatan Rakyat is going to lose in the next general election if PAS still controls Kedah.

    The Indians in Kedah get nothing and no assistance from the Kedah government.

    Even after Manikumar given a post of exco following his Bukit Selambau win, the Indian community is being left out.

    I salute Gerakan Youth chief Tan Keng Liang’s idea that PKR and DAP should work with BN.

    But PKR and DAP must be given a main role to play in the Kedah government.

PAS-UMNO UNITY GOVT TALKS: Prime Minister Najib Stokes Divisive Race and Religious Sentiments AGAIN

Read HERE and HERE for more



Related Article
According to Bukit Gelugor MP Karpal Singh, Najib as UMNO Youth Chief in 1987 had vowed to bathe the keris or small sword with Chinese blood in a speech on 17 October 1987.

A Government White Paper entitled “Towards Preserving National Security” tabled in Parliament on 23rd March 1988 recorded that in an UMNO Youth rally led by Najib on 17th October 1987, banners bearing strong words were displayed, including one which said: “SOAK IT (KRIS) WITH CHINESE BLOOD”.

Karpal demanded the PM apologised for the racist remark or be exposed as a hypocrite and the 1Malaysia slogan as meaningless verbose.

Najib denied the accusation and refused to apologise. Read here for more.

Zukri Valenteno was a Bernama reporter (1983-1994), The SUN Chief Reporter (1995-1996), Press Secretary, Information Minister, Angkasapuri (1996-2004).

He commented the following on Rocky's Bru blog:
" zv said,...

Yeah... he said it alright...that incident was only 21 years ago la, not 30 years...

And he was not alone in doing this, in fact the others had fanned the atmosphere to point of being that the TPCA Stadium was supposed to be the remake of the a la May 13 launching pad to lynch sombody or some group of people.

Mat Taib was among those who were there to "lend support" and support they did, to the point of being culpable...there was a banner in the background which had an image of a keris dripping with blood...

Lee Kim Sai was to be blamed also for his hard words had "offended" the Malay leaders. These blokes were retaliating to that...

Hey, I was there reporting the rally for Bernama..."
by ZV:10:15 AM: Monday, May 12, 2008

Another reader on Malaysia-Today wrote:
"...Najib is a liar for incidents from Altanthuya murder to "bunuh cina with kris"

I was stayed at Mindef hostel in 1987 which is at walking distance from the Jalan Laut Stadium. Only deaf people could not heard “bunuh Cina” shoutings from Najib and his malay ultra gang.

A former NST Editor had to censored news on that day because it was too sensitive to be published.

All Chinese newspapers reported such anti-Chinese gathering with photos. Some reporters were threatened with death IF they did not leave the stadium..."

Prime Minister Najib Razak
played the religious and race card today when he appealed to PAS to reconsider the proposal for a unity government with Umno.

He said that any move to strengthen Islam should be encouraged, in what was an obvious move to appeal to the concept of Islamic brotherhood within PAS

He appealed to PAS to act in the name of Malay and Muslim unity.

Najib told reports at a public function:
“PAS should not let politics prevent it from doing something which is beneficial for Malay/Muslim unity.

It looks like many Muslims are of the same opinion because unity and efforts to fight for Islam are an obligation. When we follow the obligation, we get blessings for whatever we do.

If Islam promotes that, then we should follow its way. Don’t let politics become the obstacle to achieving this.”
Sensing the weakness in the opposition alliance, Umno has moved in an attempt to cause further division in PAS and in PR by pressing ahead with the concept of Malay and Muslim unity.

He did not name or at least giving more specifics about who the “many Muslims” were who shared his disappointment.

PKR MP for Machang Saifuddin Nasution responded:
“If one really wants to bring out Islam and the majesty and the justice that the religion stands for, why harp on such narrow agenda like unity talks with PAS.

Why keep harping on unity talks with PAS and saying the Malays want it. What Malays is he talking about?

Don’t forget PAS is the second largest Malay party and PKR also has large Malay base, but neither of us want anything to do with unity talks with Umno.”

Why not practise Islam in its full glory by using it to improve the integrity of our judiciary, stopping the abuse of power by the police, the persecution of political foes and minority groups by cruel means and preventing the people in Perak from holding free and fair election?

The Pakatan stand is very clear. There will be no talks at all as far as unity government is concerned. But as we have stated very clearly, we are open to discussion on national issues, such as, how to improve unity in the country, raise educations standards, revive the economy.

If Najib is sincere, then he must prove it - not just to us in Pakatan but to the whole country. Let us start with any one of these issues.
Tian Chua, MP for Batu and PKR Strategic Affairs Director said,
" This is not a safe signal coming from a PM.

We really wonder what he will do next. Fortunately, Malaysians especially the Malays are more politically savvy that he gives them credit for. They will see this for what it is - typical Umno insecurity and corruption.

In his desperation, because politically, this is a desperate move, he is suggesting that both the Muslims and the Malays are under threat,

The top leadership is so morally corrupt that whenever there is difficulty, they will resort to trickery and short-cuts like these. But they cannot buy their way out every time.

Perhaps it is better they begin to seriously accept reality and start to taste the bitter medicine of reform.”