Your Royal Highness, It is So Trivial. Does It Really Matter ?

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 The Sultan of Selangor has questioned the state’s decision to invite Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to grace an official National Day celebration last week, a Malay daily reported today as controversy grows over the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) government’s treatment of the palace. 

 

“His Royal Highness the Sultan finds it strange that in such a programme, Anwar, who is not part of the state government’s top leadership, was the guest-of-honour.
“The PKR Opposition Leader also does not hold any official portfolio, except as the appointed State Economic Adviser,” Datuk Mohamad Munir Bani, who is private secretary to Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah, was reported by Sinar Harian as saying.

“The convention is that if His Royal Highness is unable to attend the state government’s official programmes, the Mentri Besar replaces the Sultan to give speeches and so on. But, why was Anwar invited and gave a speech, when this was an official programme, not a political programme?” the palace official told the Malay daily.

Mohamad was previously reported as saying that the Selangor Sultan was not invited or informed of the state-level celebrations.

“Maybe the people will wonder why in an official programme, the Sultan did not appear, but Anwar became the guest of honor and came forward to speak,” he was quoted as saying.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak had yesterday castigated the PR-led Selangor government for shutting out the state Ruler from its official National Day celebrations at Dataran Shah Alam last Thursday, suggesting that it placed greater importance on Anwar  who was only an economic adviser than the monarch.

“The question of disrespecting the Selangor Sultan does not surprise us... they show more respect to their economic adviser who has no locus standi,” he told reporters at the Selangor Umno Adilfitri celebration in Sungai Buloh yesterday as he scoffed at his political nemesis’ specially-created position within the state government.

“His Royal Highness is the symbol to the state that we must respect,” he said, adding that the Selangor Sultan was a symbol of the state’s sovereignty and unity and should be accorded the highest level of respect.
Najib, who is also Umno president, had warned that there the PKR-DAP-PAS opposition bloc would change many things, including the royal institution should it succeed in taking power at the next general elections due soon.

Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim has deflected criticism saying the state countdown to the country’s 55th Independence Day last Thursday at Dataran Shah Alam was not politically-motivated.
“This celebration has never been a politically-motivated celebration and has been carried out by government officials from the state secretariat office for several years,” Khalid, who is also the PKR treasurer, was quoted as saying in today’s New Sunday Times.

Khalid reportedly said that the state had complied with the usual practices in organising such an event.
The weekend edition of the Umno-linked English daily also reported Khalid saying that State Secretary Datuk Mohamad Khusrin Munawi would explain the circumstances in a report.

 The Selangor government today denied it had intentionally shut out Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah from its official National Day celebrations last week, and pointed out that the state ruler did not traditionally attend the event and this has been the practice since the previous Barisan Nasional (BN) administration.

The state leadership — now under Pakatan Rakyat (PR) control — was put on the backfoot today after the Selangor Ruler reportedly questioned its decision to invite Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to grace the event despite the fact that he holds no official position in the government, pointing to a widening rift with the palace.

Faekah Husin, who is political secretary to Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim , defended the state's decision as the norm for the past four years.

“It has been the tradition for the last four years that His Royal Highness the Sultan is not invited and (does not) attend the Merdeka day celebrations programme.

“His Royal Highness is only invited to the yasin and tahlil ceremony at state mosque, Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah Mosque,” she told The Malaysian Insider when contacted.

She said it had always been the case even when the state was under BN administration. '

She was responding to Malay daily, Sinar Harian’s front page news report today, that the Selangor Sultan had questioned the state’s decision to invite Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to grace the state’s official National Day celebrations last Thursday night.

“The convention is that if His Royal Highness is unable to attend the state government’s official programmes, the Mentri Besar replaces the Sultan to give speeches and so on. But, why was Anwar invited to give a speech, when this was an official programme, not a political programme?” Datuk Mohamad Munir Bani, who is private secretary to the Selangor Sultan told Sinar.

The Sultan’s private secretary was also previously reported as saying that the Selangor Sultan was not invited or informed of the state-level celebrations.

Faekah said she was confident that the committee organising the event, led by State Secretary Datuk Khusrin Munawi, had conducted checks on protocol when deciding the invitation list.

“We believe Datuk Khusrin has seen the protocol list for invitations of previous years including celebrations during the time of BN’s rule (in Selangor).

“But if this year, His Royal Highness had the intention to attend the Merdeka eve celebrations, His Royal Highness’ private secretary Datuk Mohamad Munir Bani has to advise us, but there was no advice regarding that matter from him,” she said.

She also expressed regret at Munir’s statement to the media that appeared to have been played up by certain parties to suggest the Selangor PR government was attempting to diminish the Sultan’s role.
“Datuk Khusrin himself has guaranteed that Datuk Munir will explain, but I don’t understand why his (Munir’s) statement in the media is very different.”

“When it’s related to the Sultan and the palace, the state government is very careful,” she said.
A text message the state secretary had sent Faekah — made available to The Malaysian Insider — appeared to corroborate her remarks.

In the message, Khusrin had purportedly referred to the issue as an attempt by Umno-owned Malay paper Utusan Malaysia to stir up public sentiment against the state government. He had also purportedly said he would clarify the matter with the Sultan’s private secretary.

The text message stated: “Saya maklum. Utusan sengaja nak buat isu. Selama ini memang Tuanku tak pernah dijemput dalam program malam kemerdekaan kecuali majlis baca yasin. Saya minta Dato Munir untuk beri penjelasan semula (I note that. Utusan wants to create an issue intentionally. All this while, His Royal Highness has never been invited to Merdeka eve programmes except the yasin reading ceremony. I will ask Datuk Munir to explain again)”.

Faekah also said the state government is confident that the Sultan of Selangor will view the matter from a broader perspective despite allegations by certain parties criticising the state for its alleged disrespect to the royal institution.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak had yesterday castigated the PR-led Selangor government for shutting out the State Ruler from its official National Day celebrations at Dataran Shah Alam last Thursday, suggesting that it placed greater importance on Anwar, who was only an economic adviser, than the monarch.

“The question of disrespecting the Selangor Sultan does not surprise us... they show more respect to their economic adviser who has no locus standi,” he told reporters at the Selangor Umno Adilfitri celebration in Sungai Buloh yesterday as he scoffed at his political nemesis’ specially-created position within the state government.

“I believe His Royal Highness is wise enough to view this matter in a broader way.”

“No one wants to ignore the Sultan; what more if His Royal Highness himself has intentions to attend the Merdeka eve night (celebrations),” she said, adding that “but if that is true, the intention did not reach us.”
“If it was informed (to us), I am confident that the Merdeka celebrations will be more joyous with the presence of His Royal Highness, the Sultan,” Faekah said.

 

 

UMNO was not an independence movement. UMNO vehemently opposed independence. “Merdeka” was taboo. UMNO’s greeting was “hidup Melayu!”

'Lembu punya susu, sapi dapat nama'

by Hishamuddin Haji Yahaya,

 31st August 2102

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MERDEKA: Can UMNO’s claim that they fought for the country’s independence stand the test of time?  

The veracity of this claim is now shrouded with doubt. 

A book in bahasa, entitled Anak Merdeka, written by Haji Salleh Majid and published in 1991, exposed the fallacy of this claim. The author was no politician but an ordinary man who lived to witness the political development of this country evolving from the 1940s to the day of Merdeka.

Early attempts to gain independence

Early attempts to achieve independence were mostly unrecorded. For example, in the early 1940s and before the Japanese occupation of Malaya, Ishak Haji Mohammed (commonly known as Pak Sako), together with an Indonesian delegation, surreptitiously went to Japan soliciting Japanese help to fight for the independence of their respective countries.  This was followed by Soekarno meeting Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy (right) to plan strategies for both countries’ independence.  Though both attempts failed for various reasons, the seeds of independence had been sowed long before the existence of UMNO.

Ishak Haji Mohamad’s secret trip to Japan was risky business, inviting prosecution for treason, punishable by death, but such was the dexterity of this pure nationalist.  Though he was in the colonial civil service at that time, his patriotism and love for the country was never sacrificed to the colonial masters he served.  In fact it was while in Japan that the name Sako was begotten.  The Japanese found it difficult to spell and pronounce his name Ishak, so they called him Isako.  Later it became his pen name, Pak Sako.

Indonesia’s independence

The independence of Indonesia on 17 August 1945 triggered fire in the hearts of Malays of Indonesian descent.  After all, Indonesia was the “motherland”, separated only by the narrow Straits of Malacca.  Both were Malay lands; and if one could gain independence, why not the other?  Furthermore, an independent Indonesia could provide moral and material help to Malays in the struggle for independence.  Thus, begun the dawn of Merdeka.

Formation of PKMM

It was not until early 1946 that Malaya’s first independent movement was formed.  It was a political party called Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM).  Its founder members were Malays of Indonesian descent, notable among them were Ahmad Boestamam and Musa Ahmad.  The party published its first newspaper called Suara Rakayt at Hale Street, Ipoh.  The contents were one hundred per cent political.  In no time, PKMM opened branches all over the country with its headquarters at 2 Batu Road (now Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman) Kuala Lumpur.  It did not take long for Pak Sako and Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy to join the party.

“Merdeka!” was the greeting of party members whenever they met.  It was said in a spirited voice with clenched fist brought to the chest.  Anytime and anywhere they met, the greeting was “Merdeka!”

Formation of UMNO

The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was formed in June 1946, six months after the formation of PKMM.  It was established with the sole objective of opposing the proposed Malayan Union which relegated the powers of the Malayan Rulers to the British Residents.  UMNO was not an independence movement.  In fact, it vehemently opposed independence as the leaders were mostly colonial civil servants who had sold their lives and soul to their colonial masters.  Not only was UMNO opposed to independence, the word “Merdeka”was taboo to them.  UMNO’s greeting was “hidup Melayu!”

Pic: UMNO's formation at Istana Johor, 1946

The other reason UMNO opposed independence was that the Malays were poor and uneducated; left to themselves, Malaya would be a failed state.

The PKMM, on the other hand, thought otherwise.  The party wanted independence first; then there would be ample opportunity to educate the Malays as the country was rich in natural resources, and it would not be a failed state.  These opposing positions divided the two parties and led to enmity.

PKMM and the labour movement

Enhanced by its committed leaders, the PKMM was a symbol of solidarity.  The spirit within party members raged like wildfire.  Branches and bureaus were established.  Apart from the youth and women’s wings, labour, agriculture and religious bureaus were established.  The labour bureau was the most active and most successful political agitator.  Through it, the PKMM penetrated the Malayan labour movement, which was very responsive to the former’s presence as the living conditions of the labourers at that time were deplorable.  In fact, the presence of the PKMM was welcomed and long awaited.

Incidentally, the Malayan labour movement had affiliated itself with the world labour movement, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), whose headquarters was in Paris, and not with the American-controlled International Labour Organisation (ILO), whose headquarters was in New York.  The WFTU was leftist inclined, and with the Malayan labour movement affiliated to it, the PKMM’s penetration into the movement heightened British suspicion of the party.

Organised strikes

Between 1946-1948, the labour movement was so active (except in Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah) that intermitternt strikes almost crippled the rubber and tin industries.  The port workers of Singapore too joined in the strikes, crippling Malaya’s major port.

As expected, the British operative policy of divide and rule was immediately put into action. While pretending to acknowledge the labourers’ plight, the PKMM was declared illegal and its leaders incarcerated.

The organised strikes did not ease with the banning of the PKMM.  Day by day, British economic interests were in jeopardy.  The rubber and tin industries, the mainstay of the British economy, faced imminent paralysis.  By this time the colonial government had sent a loud and clear message to Whitehall.  By this time, Whitehall realised that the independence of India and Indonesia had given impetus to Malaya to free itself from the shackles of colonial rule.  This aspiration could no longer be contained and sooner or later Malaya had to be given its independence.

Independence on a silver platter

The British had learnt that independence achieved through war not only resulted in the loss of life and property, but left a grudge within the beneficiary state, resulting in the nationalisation of the colonialists’ assets.  This meant the British could lose everything.  So the only option was for a negotiated independence.  The question then was who would be the British protege so that their assets would be fully protected and the expatriates could hold on to their jobs a little longer.

Pic: Tunku Abdul Rahman signing the independence agreement in London, 1956

With PKMM banned and its leaders incarcerated, the only organised movement that dominated the political scene then was UMNO, which was seen as a safe bet.  Firstly, most of their leaders were British educated and had embraced British culture and values ever since their high school days in Britain or at the Malay College Kuala Kangsar.  Secondly, they were mostly the sons of the Malay rulers and chieftains who had been close to the British.  These people had regarded the British as their icons and mentors and viewed them as their savoir.

UMNO, the opportunist

UMNO was quick to seize the opportunity.  With its adversary, the PKMM banned and driven into oblivion, UMNO took over where the PKMM had left off.  From an anti-Malayan Union organi-sation, it suddenly assumed the role of a force fighting for independence.  The British were very comfortable with UMNO’s new role, and negotiations for independence took off.

The negotiations that followed were mainly technical and focussed on two major issues: to prepare the country’s constitution and to agree on the date of the declaration of independence.  A body was formed, headed by Lord Reid, to look into a constitution and the date of independence was agreed as 31 August 1957.  For political exigency, UMNO would have to forge an alliance with the ethnic Chinese and Indian political parties,  and hence “Perikatan” (Alliance) was formed.

Pending full independence, Malaya was ruled by the Federal Legislative Council consisting of appointed members representing the various races and professions.  With independence granted on a silver platter, the British were successful in retaining the entire system and had their assets protected.  For UMNO and the Alliance, the declaration of independence was a jubilant moment as it was achieved without shedding a drop of blood.

Declaration of independence

On 31 August 1957, Malaya was re-reborn.  As the clock struck midnight, the Union Jack was lowered and the new Malayan flag was hoisted in front of the clock tower opposite the Selangor Padang.  The shouts of “Merdeka!” — no less than seven times — reverberated and resounded in the air.  The shouts were led by Tuanku Abdul Rahman, who stood on a rostrum surrounded by his Cabinet Ministers, some of whom, I observed, were obviously drunk.

The official declaration of independence was held at Stadium Merdeka the next morning, attended by all the Malay Rulers, the British High Commissioner and the representatives of the Queen (Duke of Gloucester).  I was there with my father and sibling “representing” Temerloh, Pahang.

Thus, Malaya was born as an independent state, a member of the British Commonwealth and member of the United Nations.  It was the culmination of a long and difficult struggle, an achievement won not by the educated class, but by labourers, port workers and others — the downtrodden — whose existence we hardly knew.

They were the real fighters of Merdeka, whose actions created a landscape for independence.  Those were the people who laboured endlessly  to enrich the colonial masters in return for a pittance and who now lay in the graves unknown and forgotten.

They were Malays, Indians, Chinese and others and they were certainly not UMNO members.  They were the unsung heroes who sacrificed their lives and freedom for future generations,  but who only found their own freedom in the silence of their graves.  It is those people who deserve to be commemorated on 31 August every year and not “the patriots” who hoisted the jalur gemilang on the roofs of mansions at the prestigious addresses of Kuala Lumpur or those who flew the jalur gemilang on the roofs of their flashy cars.

To the real patriots and the fighters of independence, we offer them our unreserved salute.  As for UMNO, we only have this to say: “Lembu punya susu, sapi dapat nama.”

* The writer, a lawyer, is former MP for Temerloh, Pahang, and the former managing director of Harakah. This article appeared on Aliran monthly.